The Caribbean As A Zone Of Peace Partnerships, Resilience, And Collective Security In A Changing Environment
Delivered by: Wendy C. Grenade, PhD
on the occasion of the Meeting of Council of Ministers, Regional Security System (RSS)
The Harbor Club
Saint Lucia
March 27, 2026
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| Director of Continuing Education and Professional Development and Assistant Dean for Strategic Initiatives in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at the School of Arts and Sciences, St. George's University, Wendy Grenade. |
Today, we are seeking to survive and thrive in a very
dangerous world. The 1945 post-war architecture that was based on rules, norms,
institutions, sovereign equality of states, is under threat. We are engulfed in
a new global (dis)order. The international system has entered a more fractured
and competitive phase, one in which the unprecedented has become the norm and
power is often exercised outside formal rules. We know only too well that the
logic of having rules in the international system is to ensure fair play and to
protect relatively weaker actors. When rules are thoughtfully designed and
justly applied, they can: create predictability, limit the abuse of power and
provide recourse from harm for the vulnerable.
If this was just academic theory, it would be ok. But the reality is, the new global (dis)order has severe consequences. We are witnessing global market turmoil with harsh economic fallout. Importantly, in this new geopolitical dispensation there is just too much human suffering for far, far too many. As part of the human family, let’s remember those who are trapped in Zones of War and cycles of conflict, violence and insecurities, for whom peace is but an elusive dream.
I come to you with deep solidarity. It cannot be easy to be
a Caribbean decision-maker at this time, sitting in an extremely hot seat,
bargaining and trading off and making very tough decisions.
I critique but defend the OECS and CARICOM not because your
institutions work perfectly. In fact, they don’t. I critique and defend the RSS
not because you always get it right. You sometimes don’t. But I am here with
you to remind you that as Caribbean people we are still standing, DESPITE. Even
before we delve into the topic you have chosen, given the severity, sensitivity
and seriousness of the times, I want to take a minute to remind you that this
historical moment will pass.
We are often tempted to begin history in the present and to forget that as Caribbean people, we have come from a long tradition of overcoming. There is no doubt that the current moment is daunting and fear may seem more realistic than hope. In fact, hope may feel distant for every little girl or boy in Haiti, entrapped in armed violence and gang warfare. Hope may feel distant to that mother in Santiago de Cuba ready to give birth in a dark hospital room with no electricity to guide emergency surgery. That is the sad reality. For our national security officials, hope may seem distant as you seek to balance citizen expectations, geopolitical realities and unreasonable and unjust consequences. I am here to remind you that throughout our collective journey as Caribbean people, at our lowest moments, we have learnt how to stifle self-doubt and fear with conviction and courage.
We cannot control the price of oil, nor can we determine the next move on the geopolitical chess game. What we have the power to do, is to play the best hand we can, to quote Professor Justin Robinson, in a very rigged game. But we know only too well that we have always, always done better when we have used collective will and collective skill to build collective resilience. As Caribbean people, we do not know how to roll over and die. We are not a people of lamentation. We do not lament our realities, but confront them as they are.
My message is simple: In biblical terms, this is a Nehemiah
moment that calls for courageous actions, decisive leadership and spiritual
resilience. These dangerous times call for anchored, adaptive leadership to
repair, restore, rebuild and reengineer sustainable pathways to peace,
security, and intergenerational well-being.
To our development partners, thank you for the steadfast
support you have extended to the Caribbean as a whole, and to the RSS in
particular, over the years. The reality is that, given the scale and intensity
of global security threats, none of us is immune—we are all exposed. As we work
together to navigate the turbulent currents of the international system, let us
remain guided by the ideals that affirm our shared humanity: mutual respect,
human dignity, cooperation, and peace.
The title you have chosen is most apt. “The Caribbean as a Zone of Peace: Partnerships, Resilience and Collective Security in an Increasingly Complex Environment.” To address the theme, I will first discuss the concept of a Zone of Peace. I will then focus on the importance of security regionalism for the member states of the RSS to maintain the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace through the interplay of partnerships, resilience and collective security despite the changing environment.
What is a Zone of Peace and Why a Zone of Peace in the
Caribbean?
A Zone of Peace is a post-Cold War construct, which refers
to a demilitarized geographic area, where countries continuously maintain
peaceful relations for a significant period of time. By contrast, zones of
conflict are those areas where inter-and intra-state conflicts are endemic. In
1979 the Organization of American States (OAS) adopted a resolution urging
recognition of the Caribbean as a zone of peace. The proposal sought the
removal of superpower rivalry from the waters of the region. The 2014 CELAC Declaration
states that: “Latin America and the Caribbean must remain a Zone of Peace,
where differences between nations are resolved through dialogue and
negotiation, and where the principles of non-intervention, sovereignty, and the
peaceful coexistence of peoples are respected.”
In recent months, a debate has emerged in the region about
the relevance of the concept of the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace. One
perspective holds that given the increasing incidences of criminality within
CARICOM Member States, the concept of a Zone of Peace is irrelevant. On
the other side of the debate, it is argued that the Caribbean must remain a
Zone of Peace to ensure its political independence, sovereignty and territorial
integrity are protected from external aggression. This argument holds that
small states cannot afford to be drawn into great power rivalry and instead,
principle and neutrality must guide foreign policy decision-making.
From my perspective, the arguments are not mutually exclusive. I usually draw on the work of a Critical International Relations Scholar, Ken Booth, who uses the analogy of a house and argues that the shelter – the house itself – that is the territorial integrity of a state - must be protected from external attacks and aggression. However, the sheltered – the inhabitants of the house – or the people within the state - must be safe and live in peace with one another within the house. Further, I add, each family in each home must then coexist peacefully with its neighbours. This discussion really concerns national security and human security. While national security focuses on law enforcement and border security, the seven elements of human security are concerned with economic, health, food, personal, environmental, political and community security. There is therefore an interrelationship between the shelter and the sheltered and we must be concerned with BOTH since they are distinct but intertwined. I encourage Caribbean leaders to advocate for the Caribbean to remain a Zone of Peace. Be voices of reason in support of international law, peace and security.
What is Security and Whose Security?
Within that context, what is security and who or what should be securitized? Based on the Caribbean’s reality, I have defined security broadly as the interplay of conventional and non-conventional threats to states, economies and people in communities, especially intersecting threats that are multidimensional, transnational and beyond the capacity of Caribbean states, and the people within them, to cope, on their own (Grenade 2025). My argument is that the severity and pervasiveness of intersecting security threats, combined with the capacity of states, regional organizations, and the global community to respond, have implications for lives, livelihoods, peace, development and freedom. The fact is, individually and collectively, the Caribbean faces security dilemmas. I refer to a security dilemma as a complex phenomenon that exists when the certainty of uncertainty and the intensity of risks and threats create a paradoxical relationship between the various dimensions of security so that difficult trade-offs have to be made that can severely impact the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the survival of the people within them (Grenade 2025). Let’s examine two security dilemmas:
First, the Clash of Securities Dilemma
The search for security by one state can directly undermine
the security of another state and the people within it. For example, the
fisheries sector is a major contributor to our local economies. Neil is a
fisher man from Gros Islet, here in St. Lucia who is the sole provider for his
family. He goes out to sea to ply his trade for his economic security and to
contribute to the country’s food security. He encounters gun fire from military
vessels in the Caribbean Sea searching for narco-terrorists. That fisherman
dies. His family loses its only source of income. Military security clashes
with economic and food security.
Second, Survival versus Legality Dilemma
Ray was only 14 years when his dad Neil, the fisherman, died
on the high seas. He was a form three student, attending secondary school. Ray
never understood why the Government was unable to protect his dad. His mother
had migrated to North America when he was three years old. Although she works
extremely hard in North America, given global economic realities, Ray’s mum can
no longer afford to send barrels with necessary foodstuff nor sufficient cash
to meet his daily needs. Ray was forced to drop out of school to hustle on the
streets - just to survive. He was lured into illicit drugs and arms
trafficking. By 18 years he had fathered three children. Ray was gunned down in
gang warfare and his children now had to navigate their own paths. This led to
a vicious cycle of poverty, violence, hopelessness and criminality.
This scenario shows that underdevelopment can re/create environments for insecurity. In a 2011 report, the World Bank found that when compared with countries not experiencing violence, countries affected by violence had a poverty gap of as much as 21%. Poverty, income inequality, low rates of GDP growth (which may be taken as a rough indicator of the availability of legitimate economic opportunities), high rates of youth unemployment, and low educational achievement have all been identified as risk factors or determinants of the homicide rate and some other violent crimes (World Bank, 2011, 60 cited in Harriott and Jones 2016).
A Hypothetical Nightmare
Staying with this hypothetical scenario, let us fast
forward to 2040 and picture a Caribbean security landscape without a
multidimensional regional security architecture, including the Regional
Security System. Imagine, for a moment, that transnational criminal networks
have expanded and diversified their operations. They now fully exploit
artificial intelligence and other advanced technologies to profit from
destruction and deepen the global reach of crime. These networks have become
more sophisticated, seamlessly integrating their operations across borders.
Drug trafficking, migrant smuggling, arms trafficking,
cybercrime, money laundering, environmental offenses, intellectual property
crimes, and more have overwhelmed the Caribbean like never before. Homes,
communities, and even schoolyards have turned into battlegrounds, with gang
violence escalating and firearm-related homicides becoming routine. In one
Member State, a coordinated ransomware attack—driven by advanced AI—cripples
port authorities across three OECS countries at once. Ships carrying essential food
supplies remain stranded as digital systems are locked down by actors operating
from thousands of miles away.
But in this scenario, there is no CARICOM IMPACS, no RSS. The multilateral system has fractured, and traditional partners have shifted their focus elsewhere. Member states, burdened by competing fiscal demands and the fallout from global conflicts and economic crises, are unable to sustain collective security. The regional security framework has collapsed. There is no joint training, no intelligence sharing, no coordinated operations. Maritime patrols have ceased, legal systems are no longer aligned, and opportunities to pool resources and reduce costs have disappeared.
On the environmental front, by 2040 the climate crisis
has intensified beyond earlier projections. Hurricanes, earthquakes, volcanic
eruptions, and tsunamis strike with devastating force. Yet there is no RSS or
Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency to prepare for or respond to
these hazards.
And the crisis deepens further. As occurred between 2020
and 2023, the world once again faces a pandemic in 2040—this time with equally
devastating consequences. But there is no Caribbean Public Health Agency, no
RSS to coordinate a response. This is the nightmare scenario—one that
underscores what is at stake.
Security Regionalism: A Necessary Imperative
So why strengthen collective security now? There is no doubt that the Caribbean is a regional security complex. In the scholarly literature, this refers to “[R]egional sub-systems consisting of a set of states whose major security perceptions and concerns are so inter-linked that their national [and human] security problems cannot reasonably be analyzed or resolved apart from one another” (Buzan et al. 1998, 198). Consequently, collective security is not an option but an urgent and necessary imperative.
In 2025 Lexington published my latest book titled Multidimensional
Threats and Regional Responses to Caribbean Security. In that book, I
defined “security regionalism” as the process whereby states pool sovereignty
and resources within legitimate regional institutional structures to prepare
for, prevent, and collectively respond to severe threats. I argued that for its
success, security regionalism must be buttressed by the efficacy and synergetic
networking among regional institutions, strategic regional leadership, a
sustainable funding model; a favorable external environment or global justice,
multi-level partnerships, and well-functioning systems of democratic governance
within Member States that allow for inclusiveness and people’s participation in
their governance.
Against this background, the Regional Security System (RSS)
is a shining example of security regionalism. It stands as one of the most
practical and enduring models of collective security among small states
anywhere in the world.
In collaboration with its partners, the RSS has successfully
fostered regional collaboration through shared intelligence, joint patrols, and
disaster response, strengthening security in the Caribbean. Key successes
include maritime security, specialized training for law enforcement, digital
forensics, and stabilizing member states during crises, such as hurricanes. I
wish to commend the RSS for ways in which it has responded to multiple security
threats, whether hurricanes, volcanic eruptions, prison uprisings or COVID-19.
There is no doubt that the RSS remains a bastion for security regionalism and
resilience building.
Although the RSS is a model for security cooperation in the Global South, it faces significant operational, financial, and external challenges as it adapts to an increasingly complex modern security landscape. Despite its successes, the RSS faces serious challenges, including insufficient funding, fragmented intelligence-sharing, limited inter-agency coordination and a lack of focus on emerging risks undermine the collective capacity to respond effectively. I will use the security regionalism framework described above to further discuss some challenges and imperatives facing the RSS in a changing world.
First, security regionalism must be buttressed by the
efficacy and synergetic networking among regional institutions. Why is this an
imperative? For the Caribbean, security has never been defined in military
terms only. Particularly for small developing countries, security and
development are intricately linked. In 2005, the late former UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan reminded us that, “We will not enjoy development
without security, we will not enjoy security without development, and we will
not enjoy either without respect for human rights” (Annan 2005, 2). Therefore,
given the Caribbean’s condition, security is multidimensional, transnational
and intersecting and it cannot be constructed in military terms only.
Consequently, the RSS cannot go it alone. As the regional security environment
grows more complex, operating in isolation is increasingly ineffective. There
is a pressing need for stronger coordination and collaboration among the RSS,
CARICOM IMPACS, CARPHA, CDEMA, the UWI Seismic Research Centre, and national
command centers, along with other key institutions. Building true security
resilience requires aligning and integrating these systems to achieve the
greatest possible impact.
Second, security regionalism is enhanced through strategic regional leadership. This type of leadership combines vision, courage, conviction, foresight, principle and pragmatism to simultaneously resist and adapt to the shifting demands of a changing world. In fact, principled pragmatism is an imperative. It is a leadership and decision-making framework that balances core moral values (principles) with a realistic assessment of what is actually achievable in a given context (pragmatism). Strategic regional leadership includes an understanding of strategic diplomacy. I define strategic diplomacy as the art of finding diplomatic equilibrium in a world of multiple complexities through maximizing non-military capabilities, combining traditional and non-traditional tools of statecraft, supported by technology and effective dialogue, to intentionally shape desired outcomes towards sustainable futures. Diplomatic equilibrium means being agile but ethical. Strategic diplomacy includes large doses of principle, neutrality, genuine non-alignment, tactical advocacy, solidarity and peace.
Third, security regionalism is most successful if it is
based on mutually beneficial multi-level partnerships. The RSS relies heavily
on international partners such as the USA, Canada, Great Britain, the EU and
increasingly China to fund training programs, maintain equipment and acquire
material in maritime security, emerging technology and security domains.
Through partnerships the RSS was able to achieve real gains in supporting its
Member States with the legal and operational systems required to manage the
complex, transborder nature of crime in an increasingly technological world. As
is the case in every other sphere of life, partnerships are best sustained
where there is mutual interest and shared responsibility. Decision-making is
often linked to burden-sharing. In cases where there are asymmetries of power
and dependency, partnerships become imbalanced, relationships strained and
there could be breakdown. The imperative going forward is how to engage in
mutually beneficial security arrangements while maintaining a
"Caribbean-led" security model. In other words, how can partnerships
build greater capabilities and resilience?
Fourth, a supportive external environment is essential for the success of security regionalism. As noted earlier, the emerging global (dis)order is, at best, unpredictable. With rising geopolitical tensions and shifting priorities among major donors, the RSS must rethink its path forward. As transnational organized crime grows more sophisticated and technologically advanced, there is a clear need to reassess security strategies with realism and urgency. Working along with regional and international partners, the RSS also needs to expand regional cyber defense capacity, protect critical infrastructure, financial systems and government networks. Can a Caribbean cyber security compact be developed under the RSS’s umbrella?
When the external environment is unfavourable (as it most
times is), the priority should be to strengthen what lies within your control
while adapting strategically to outside pressures. This presents an opportunity
to deepen internal cohesion—enhancing coordination among member states,
reinforcing shared institutions, and ensuring swift and effective
information-sharing. In times of uncertainty or adversity, unity becomes your
greatest strength. In fact the RSS believes fundamentally that there is strength
in unity.
I encourage the RSS to seek to also build resilience by
diversifying partnerships and avoiding overreliance on any single external
actor. Engaging a wider network of regional and international partners can
provide flexibility and reduce vulnerability to shifting geopolitical dynamics.
It is imperative that you remain forward-looking: continuously reassessing
risks, innovating your strategies, and protecting the institutional
architecture that sustains long-term cooperation. In short, when the outside world
is unpredictable, the RSS’s best response is stronger unity, smarter
partnerships, and greater resilience from within.
Relatedly, the most pressing issue is the funding model. As key partners shift their security priorities, the RSS faces an urgent need to develop a more sustainable financial framework. This moment could, however, be used to strengthen financial resilience and long-term viability. For instance, how might Member States’ contributions be restructured to reflect current realities? Could a dedicated resilience fund be created, perhaps supported by a resilience levy across Member States? And how can the RSS more effectively tap into financing from regional institutions such as the Caribbean Development Bank and the Caribbean Development Fund? The reality is that security requires significant financial investment, but the long-term, intergenerational costs of crime, for example, are far greater. Violence is no longer just a legal issue—it has become a public health crisis, placing a heavy strain on economies and societies alike.
Conclusion
Finally, a better world is possible. I encourage you to
remain optimistic about the possibilities ahead. Despite its constraints, the
RSS remains a cornerstone of stability in the Caribbean and has matured into a
strong example of regional security cooperation for the Global South. It
enhances peace across the region and proves that small states are far from
powerless. You have established a robust security framework, and there is clear
collective determination to preserve the progress achieved. I urge you to
continue building on the Caribbean way and remain steadfast. The addition of
Guyana has broadened both the reach and resources of the RSS—continue to
evolve, rethink, and pursue new pathways toward enduring peace. The Caribbean’s
dedication to peace, partnerships, and shared security is not just an ideal—it
is essential. By reinforcing resilience and deepening collaboration, the region
can remain not only a Zone of Peace but also a global symbol of stability.
The path ahead will not be easy, but we must avoid the nightmare scenarios previously outlined. Build on the RSS’s past successes, and protect and enhance its institutional foundations, as shared institutions are vital for sustained collective action. Remember, there is no single formula for practicing security regionalism among small developing states. Outcomes are shaped by shifting internal and external forces, many beyond direct control. Still, the Caribbean way has shown how to both resist and adapt within a challenging global environment. Continue to draw on this resilience that has traditionally defined the Caribbean’s experience.
Again, is a better world possible? Absolutely. Our ancestors
believed that a better world was possible. They sung victory songs even before
physical shackles fell off. They dared to hope in the midst of daunting
circumstances. They danced to the rhythm of their own music as they imagined
freedom. Even when their spirits were broken, they never knew how to roll over
and die. They held each other’s hands and dreamed of a new day.
To my fellow Caribbean citizens and development partners: we
share a common humanity and inhabit a shared global space. Global security
concerns us all, and each of us has a role. Today’s threats are often unseen:
rising seas, invisible diseases, fragile supply chains, complex digital
systems, and growing inequality and mistrust. New risks are also emerging,
including the misuse of artificial intelligence, environmental breakdown, and
unforeseen crises that could overwhelm our systems. These challenges cannot be
solved through militarization or in isolation. I encourage you to continue to
contribute your part to strengthen collective resilience through shared
security efforts.
Our greatest strength lies in unity. By reinforcing institutions, safeguarding the vulnerable, and building trust across nations, we can better confront these challenges. Global security is a shared responsibility. Every country, community, and individual has a role to play. Whether through policy, innovation, education, or everyday stewardship, we are all contributors to this collective effort. Let us commit not just to survival, but to resilience, justice, and a future grounded in cooperation, compassion, and courage. In unity, vigilance, and faith, we will find not only security, but enduring hope.
I leave you with this reminder from the Holy Bible, Psalm
127:1:
“Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labor
in vain; unless the Lord watches over the city, the watchman stays awake in
vain.”
True resilience is grounded in spiritual strength—the
ability to draw on faith and inner resolve. Let us not depend solely on
institutions or military means, but also on wisdom, empathy and compassion.
Let us safeguard the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace by
strengthening partnerships, building resilience, and advancing collective
security—honouring those who came before us while protecting the well-being of
present and future generations.
I wish you productive, meaningful and impactful
deliberations.
Thank you.
References
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313– 326.
Booth, Ken. Ed. 2005. Critical Security Studies and World
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Booth, Ken. 2007. Theory of World Security.
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Booth, Ken, and Nicholas Wheeler. Eds. 2007. The Security
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Grenade, Wendy C. 2025. Multidimensional Threats and
Regional Responses to Caribbean Security. Maryland: Lexington Publishers.
Harriott, Anthony, D. and Marlyn Jones. 2016. “Crime and
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